Massachusetts Election

   Mr. Strong has a majority of about 1300 over Mr. Gerry for governor; but, as a plurality is required, it is not altogether certain as yet if he is elected. The senate, as before observed, has a large republican majority. Of the complexion of the lately chosen house of representatives, which will consist of about seven hundred and eight members, it is not easy to judge. There is probably a federal majority.

Published in the Niles Weekly Register - May 30, 1812

An Address to the People of the United States, continued from our last.

The Supporter
May 30, 1812, Page 1, Column C

From the New-York Herald.

An Address to the People of the United States.
Continued from our last.

                The ignorance that is discovered, or the deceit and hypocrisy employed in relation to our resources appears in this.  Were it best for us to do as the ancient Romans did, certainly our resources are considerable.  Would we bend every interest to that of war, - would every man be a soldier, and every soldier a patriot, we might make defence, with vigor, and invasion with success. – Society in our country, is formed on a different order of things, and depends on promoting the arts of peace.  The physical strength on which our country must rely is in men who are engaged in pursuits far more pleasant in their nature, more lucrative more honorable, and far more safe, than the occupation of a private soldier.  Men will not forsake their occupations and abandon their interests to become soldiers.  They cannot be drawn from them but by force.  The advocates of the war know it, perfectly well.  And all this talk about volunteers, is only designed to thicken the mist of darkness, and quiet apprehension till the die is cast.  As for the enlisting of men to be ‘military slaves,’ for five years, as Colonel Porter himself styled them, I take it upon me to say that man who will enlist cannot be found.
                The money that is to pay these armies which are to flock together merely at the cry of revenge, is to come from the scanty earnings of private industry, from the pockets of republicans and patriots, indeed; but they are men who know too well the worth of money to part with it willingly.  How is this money to be gotten out of their pockets? – By taxation, enforced by the hand of power.  That will be a trying day, yes, a time that will try men’s souls.  Taxes must indeed be heavy, and frequent, and as they increase in weight, the means for paying them will diminish.  Yet they must be paid or the war cannot go on: There will be no market; specie will be drained from the country: paper must increase; public credit must be extended, strained, and – I hope not impaired.  But a bank built wholly on paper, will be but a paper bank. – Whence are we to procure gold and silver, unless from Bonaparte and that for land security?
                And there can be no doubt that the advocates for the war have an eye, for ultimate support, on the French Emperor.  To what will our revenge lead us?  What will it cost us?  Bonaparte may, indeed, help us against him.
                4. Revenge on England is the general cry, but Citizens, war is rising from a principle far different from that of revenge or redress, or conquest. – Fear of the Tyrant of Europe is at the bottom.  He has told us to chuse our enemy.  We are about to obey his orders.  I appeal to the men who knew Washington, and fought by his side, whether if he were alive and could now give his advice, he would approbate this war.  He would spurn it. – He would raise his voice against it.  He would tell us we were plunging into ruin.
                We already see and feel the paralyzing effect of the fear of the French emperor.  Our embargo and Non-Intercourse phrenzy, wholly inspired by him, has ruined us.  He knew that like a two-edged sword it would cut two ways.  He knew its effects would be general debility.  Such they have been, which we shall soon realize to our sorrow.  Had our revenues, arrested and forever destroyed by the first embargo, continued to this day we might have talked of war: but now its very insipient stage will distress us beyond measure.
                I ask those who are ready to go all lengths to conciliate the favor of Bonaparte, who wish him as an ally in all measures offensive and defensive what ultimate benefit they expect from his friendship? – Should we now join him against England, and should the united arms of America and France subdue Great Britain what advantage are we to expect?  Should such an event happen we are to expect inevitable ruin.  Nothing then would stand between us and the all grasping power of France.  After what Europe has witnessed, can any man be such an idiot as to imagine that our having complied with the will of the Tyrant, will be remembered in our favor, and be suffered to frustrate his boundless schemes of ambition?  Remember the fate of Prussia, who favor the usurper resisted and disconcerted the coalition of the northern powers, against him.  The foolish king of Prussia thought to secure the friendship of the conqueror by an alliance.  What did he gain by it?  Spain acted the same part, till the monster of perfidy had fixed his bloody fangs upon the vitals of that illfated kingdom.
                A question of such magnitude as whether we shall at length invite to our shores the calamities that for years have wasted Europe should be weighed, in view of the consequences that must result from a war.  Among the certain consequences of a war with England the enormous expenses can neither be described or conceived of before they come.  Thousands of industrious and virtuous citizens will be lost, what torrents of blood will flow, before the scene is closed no human foresight can determine.
                As it relates to the issue of the war between us and England, one of these consequences must follow.  Either the arms of England will triumph, or we shall end as we began, with no considerable advantage on either side; or our arms will triumph over those of England, and she oppressed by an unequal contest both with the old and new world will ultimately fall.
                The first of these consequences, viz. that the arms of England may triumph, is not very probable: Yet it is by no means impossible.  Whoever has read the history of nations knows too well the chances of war to consider such a supposition despicable.  It is not impossible, not indeed a very extravagant supposition, that England may burn our seaports, ravage our coasts, - destroy our vessels, abolish our trade, - defeat our projected conquests, and dictate to us conditions of peace.  And should this work prove too hard for her, her neighbor the Emperor of France may ultimately be willing to share with her the glory and the plunder.  Nothing is more common than such changes: - the politician who considers such an event as impossible is a fool.
                The great Colbert once said to the king of France that a modern war is but the conflict of the wealth of one nation with that of another.  It is money that maintains armies, furnishes trains of artillery, military stores and all the operations of war.  Perhaps the most probable event of this war is, that it will end with no very decided advantage on either side.  Both parties fatigued with exertion and borne down with expense, will be willing to retire from the field, and purchase peace by mutual concession.
                But, in that cafĂ©, will war leave us as it found us?  What shall we have to show for the treasures expended, and the blood that has been shed?  Honor!  But not the honor of the nation; which will be pressed beyond sufferance: not the honor of the great body of the people, the farmers, traders, and mechanics; whose houses will have perished in the flames, and whose fathers, brothers, and sons have fallen in battle.  The honor conferred on this class of people will be the honor of paying a monstrous debt, by which they and their sons will be overwhelmed and ruined.  – The vultures to whom peace and good order in society are the worst of calamities, expect much from this war.  Blood, desolation, and rapid revolutions are the only means by which they hope to rise.  And I appeal to the searcher of hearts that, this is the true source of all their pretended resentment towards Great Britain.
                And e’en now while our government seems to hesitate as being loath to plunge the nation into the calamities of war, these abandoned wretches, from every corner, are howling and snarling their disapprobation of the delay.  They are blaming the tardiness of government: they are like men upon the rack till blood begins to run; till the flames of war are kindled.  Their voracious ambition and villainy have anticipated the horrid pleasures and seizures, confiscations, conquest, rapine and plunder.  They are sure that their officiousness and zeal cannot fail of promotion to offices where their lawless avarice may be glutted, and their ambition gratified tho’ their country bleed at every vein, and sigh at every breath.
                But my countrymen, the consequence of this war, must be dreaded, by every American; is the truly dreadful alliance that we shall, nay, that we must form with France.  Citizens, the gulph of destruction is before you!  A war with England will throw us into the arms of France.  The time is near when you will see your ports crowded with French ships, provided they have the good luck to cross the Atlantic.  You will see French troops in your country, French officers parading your streets.  And they will expect nothing short of adoration.  The reign of terror will soon commence: and you will be compelled to speak, if you speak at all, of their tyrant, as he is spoken of in his own dominions.  Our country will be filled with spies and dilators. – No man will dare to whisper his thoughts, even in his chimney corner, lest the birds of the air should carry news.  My G-d! – Deliver us from such a day.
                Yes, Citizens, should the war prove hard upon us we shall need foreign aid.  And we shall, I call Heaven to witness, we shall need foreign aid.  Yea and it will be promptly given us. – The huge gigantic tyrant of Europe will stretch his arms across the Atlantic; - he will send us […], and they will become our masters; and our secret murmurs will be hushed by the hand of power, or silenced by the scepter of death.  In whatever way, even however favorably, our contest with England may progress and terminate, it will leave us exhausted, impoverished, weakened, and in no condition to resist those schemes of boundless ambition and enormous oppressive tyranny which the arbiter of Europe will hold in one hand while the lightning of his sword and the thunder of his war threaten in the other.
                Be it that we shall subdue Canada, a wretched region which would prove a curse to us, were it given to-day, and for nothing I say let it be granted that by the utmost exertions of the eastern states we can subjugate that country: - that we can bear the privation of naval commerce, that we can sustain the ravages of our shores, and the ruin of our great cities: - that we can spare the lives of twenty, thirty or a hundred thousand of our best men who must fall in the field of battle; - that our people can, under all these distresses, endure years of heavy and enormous taxation, for what will a man not do for honor?  Let it be granted that we can cheerfully exchange our present happy state for these deplorable evils through which the most penetrating eye can see no light; yet a worse evil is in store for us.  Instead of the fears of England, who certainly would give us law if she could, but cannot, we shall feel the fears of France and what she both can and will do, every man in his senses, may judge, from existing facts.
                Yet it is a melancholy truth that the democratic papers, through the United States, labor for nothing so much as to impress the public mind favorably relative to the French nation, her government and Bonaparte himself.  Such parts of his conduct as admit of no varnish they pass over, in silence.  But every little anecdote tending to excite admiration of his power, abilities, or in fact, of his virtues, they carefully collect, emblazon, and publish.  So that all their papers viewed collectively amount to one universal, incessant, intolerable strain of praise and adulation.  They have, by repeated experiments, found what will soothe and please the public ear, and secure them in their bread.  Nor is truth a necessary ingredient in these columns of panegyric.  Thousands of falsehoods are wholly fabricated, or drawn from the poisonous and malignant vapours that pollute the air of France; or propagated by the trumpets blast, and received with applause.
                Infatuated wretches!  The voice of truth will soon awaken them: and at the hand of these retailers of lies eternal justice will require the blood of this once happy country.
                To be continued.

[The Address to the People of the U. states which appeared in our paper of May 23, is this week improperly continued – that which will appear in our next should have appeared in this week’s paper.]

Martial Song.

The Supporter
May 30, 1812, Page 1, Column A

Martial Song.

Come, soldiers, push the glass around,
                The march of life with mirth to cheer;
Full charg’d with honor’s sacred sound,
                Allied to glory – foes to fear.

In cheerful glee let all engage
T’ enjoy what bliss the hour affords;
And only put in martial rage
                When rushing to the strife of swords.

Let joy our gallant band inspire,
                Whilst with pure love each bosom burns;
Yes, love and glory, both shall fire
                The youthful soldier’s breast by turns.

But should severest fate deny
                The smiles of love or friendships bowl,
Tho’ anguish dulls his piercing eye,
                Yet hardships cannot damp his soul!

They but inspire his ardor more,
                Rekindle in his breast that flame,
Which loves on danger’s wings to soar,
                High to the mount of pow’r and fame!

Nor will his noble heart be vext
                At any luckless, hard campaign,
But, cheerful, hope he shall the next
                Wealth, honor, fame and glory gain!

Letter from James Monroe to Augustus J. Foster

Department of State
May 30, 1812

   SIR - Having had the honor to confer with you soon after the date of your letter of April 15, relative to a deserter from his Britannic majesty's ship of war the Gleanor, it is unnecessary to repeat here the remarks which I then made on the subject. I shall only observe that none of the men who deserted from that vessel had any encouragement to do it from the constituted authorities of the United States, or of the state of Maryland. If they received such encouragement from any of our citizens, it is a cause of regret; but it is an act not cognizable by our laws any more than it is presumed to be by those of Great Britain.
   It is proper to state that a similar desertion took place last year from an American frigate in an English port, in which no redress was afforded. It was the more remarkable, as the deserter took refuge on board a British ship of war, the commander of which refused to surrender him on being requested to do so.
   Your proffered exertions to procure the discharge of native American citizens, from on board British ships of war, of which you desire a list, has not escaped attention. 
   It is impossible for the United States to discriminate between their native and naturalized citizens, nor ought your government to expect it, AS IT MAKES NO DISCRIMINATION ITSELF. There is in this office a list of several thousand American seamen who have been impressed into the British service, for whose release applications have, from time to time, been already made. Of this list a copy shall be forwarded you, to take advantage of any good offices you may be able to render.
   I have, &c.


Published in the Niles Weekly Register - June 6, 1812

The Chronicle.

May 30, 1812

   The recruiting service goes on with great activity, though the necessary arrangements for such a work are not yet completed, the whole business being new. The requisite number of men may be expected in a few weeks. From all parts of the country we hear of companies of militia, artillery, horse and foot volunteering their services. By an article published in the Democratic Press, derived, perhaps, from the Purveyor of supplies, it appears there are now in the arsenal of the United States 222,322 military garments, of woolen, linen and cotton, besides caps, hats &c. with muskets, swords, tents, powder, sulpher and salt petre, &c. &c. in great abundance. The stock is daily increasing. Every thing bespeaks the "busy note of preparation."
   General Wilkinson left Washington on Saturday last, to take command of the troops on the Mississippi. He addressed a memorial to congress on the 1st inst. entreating that body to institute an enquiry into certain claims he has against the U. States, in order that he may "obtain that justice which is denied him by the accounting officer of the war department." He says that the United states are indebted to him, instead of his being a "public defaulter," as he has been charged with.
   In Richmond Hastings court, on the 14th inst. it was determined, the whole court and bar concurring, that an apprentice cannot volunteer his services in the militia.
   An arrival at New York furnishes us with London dates to the 20th of last month. A flag of truce, from France had arrived off Dover with despatches, which were sent by express to London. They are said to contain propositions for peace. The London editor very pertinently remarks that such has been the uniform practice of Bonaparte, previous to entering upon a new war, to increase the hatred of his people against England, and reconcile them in a state of hostilities, by causing them to believe he is seriously anxious for peace; and it is thereby inferred he is about to leave Paris to combat with Russia. We believe this is a mere ruse de guerre. Napoleon very well knows that in the present state of things, that the government of England cannot make peace except at their own annihilation.

Published in the Niles Weekly Register - May 30, 1812


From the Boston Centinel

   “The universal sentiment against a British war which prevails among considerate men of all parties in this section of the union, is accompanied by a natural, but perhaps a false security in the conviction of the impossibility of this event. With the exception of a few brawlers in the street, and of some office holding editors, we can find none who seriously wish to promote this calamity. It is evident that under the circumstances of this country, a declaration of war would be in effect a license and a bounty offered by our government to the British fleet to scour our coasts – to sweep our remaining navigation from the ocean, to annihilate our commerce, and to drive the country, by a rapid declension, into the state of poverty and distress which attended the close of the revolutionary struggle. We are convinced of the absence of those exasperated feelings in the great body of the people which would impel them to such a conflict. We fathom the length and depth of the artificial excitement, which is attempted by men of desperate fortunes and character, and we are satisfied that, in their efforts to influence the public mind, they apply their blazing torches to a mountain of ice. Other considerations come in aid of our confidence – The proposed enemy is invulnerable to us, while we are on all sides open to assault. The conquest of Canada would be less useful to us than that of Nova Zambia, and could not be so easily achieved. Our red brethren, forgetful of the patriotic "talks" of their "father" JEFFERSON, would pour down upon our frontier, and our black brethren would show themselves not less enamoured with the examples of liberty taught in St. Domingo than their masters are with those derived from its mother country. New Orleans and the Floridas would pass into the hands of the enemy. Our seaports would be under a strict blockade, and the mouths of our rivers would be bridged with frigates. Besides the war would be interminable, or end in a surrender on our part of the objects of contention. If the British nation, which now copes with a world in arms, should yield to us - a people destitute of naval force, and capable of contact with her in only one point; whatever may be our internal strength, and national valor; it must be through feelings of complacence and affection, inspired by the known partiality of our presidents, governors, and members of congress, expressed in the public proceedings. Secluded from the world and oppressed by taxes, idle for want of employment, and indigent because idle, this once happy people would repine with maddening recollection of the days of their prosperity. Discontent, sedition and public examinations would ensue. The swords of the new army must not be suffered to rust "for lack," "of somebody to hew and hack;" and civil discord would probably finish the catalogue of evils arising from such a state. A fair experiment has shewn that the men beyond the Potomac, who are the chief instigators to war, have no money to apply to this object; and that the men on this side of it, will not part with theirs to accelerate their own ruin. It is no longer doubtful that the eastern states, are invincibly opposed to war, and that nothing short of a conscription will fill an army for the foolish crusade. It is not less evident that our people will sooner become volunteers to drive from power the men who shall plunge them into a ruinous war, than conscripts to carry it on. Under an impression of this state of public opinion, confirmed by all we see and hear among our own people, we can hardly believe in the existence of a spirit of infatuation capable of urging our government to such an extremity. The men whose voice in congress is for war, appear to be acting a theatrical part, and we impute their rant and violence to their feelings and dispositions rather than to ultimate and settled purpose.
   It is well to be prepared for disappointment in these calculations - It is well for us to begin to think, how we shall be disposed to act, when we find ourselves in fact, the subjects of men from other states, who are devoid of sympathy for our interests, respect for our character, ignorant of our habits - Who mock at our calamity and laugh when our fear cometh.

Published in the Niles Weekly Register - May 30, 1812


The Volunteer.

Raleigh Register and North Carolina Gazette
May 29, 1812, Page 4, Column A

The Volunteer.
From the New Hampshire Gazette.

HARK!  What thunders rend the air,
The distant rumbling din of war;
To meet the tempest quick prepare
                                                Each Volunteer.
Rally Patriots, rally round
Your standard, and maintain the ground,
No martial terrors may confound
                                                The Volunteer.
Were mountains at your columns hurl’d,
And thunders roll’d that rock’d the world,
Still should your banner wave unfurl’d,
                                                Brave Volunteer!
What tho’ the dreadful floating car,
From Britain’s Isle, o’er ocean far,
Waft to your shore, death, blood & war,
                                                Brave Volunteer?
Your rocks and hills and vallies cry,
Defend your soil, fight, bleed and die,
‘Ere from the invading tyrant fly,
                                                Bold Volunteer!
Support your councils, wise and great,
The Guardians of Columbia’s fate,
Tho’ treason rail, and faction hate
                                                The Volunteer.
Whene’er the trumpet’s clarion sound
Proclaims the burst of war around,
Then every Patriot will be found
                                                A Volunteer.
From east & west, from south and north,
To fill the ranks, Ye brave, come forth,
Let valor prove your martial worth,
                                                And Volunteer:
Despise the menial wretch who dare
Traduce the embattled son of war –
‘Tis glorious in the cause to share,
                                                Come, Volunteer!

News from London

May 29, 1812

   The charge brought against our government by the government of America drew, as we said it would, an explanation from his majesty's ministers in each house of Parliament. Lord Liverpool in the House of Lords disclaimed any intention of doing any thing that might tend to a separation of the dominions of the United States, and added that government had not even known of Mr. Henry's being employed in America, until after his return to Quebec. Lord Castlereagh made a similar declaration in the House of Commons.
   There can be but one opinion with respect to the eagerness which Mr. Madison shews to make the correspondence public, without taking any steps with our minister in America, or our government at home as, to certain the accuracy or inaccuracy of Henry's correspondence. The man comes to him in the shape of a traitor to his employers; yet he places implicit confidence in his statement.

Published in the Maryland Gazette - June 25, 1812


News from Annapolis


   At a Battalion Meeting, near the Head of the Severn, on Thursday last, the Serjeant of a recruiting party from this City, had his skull fractured by a blow from the breach of a Gun, and expired next morning. The person who struck the blow, has been arrested and committed to gaol, to stand trial at the next sitting of the county court.

Published in the Maryland Gazette - May 28, 1812


News from Frankfort

Frankfort, (K.)
May 27, 1812

   On Thursday last, the company of Volunteers raised in this country for the purpose of marching immediately to the Indiana territory, assembled in this place, to the number of between 50 and 60, and elected John Arnold, capt. Anthony Crockett, lieut. and Berry Searcy, ensign. In the afternoon of the same day they left this place for Louisville, where we understand they arrived and crossed the Ohio on Saturday, and proceeded directly to Vincennes, to receive their orders from Gov. Harrison.
   The enthusiasm and zeal manifested by this patriotic band of soldiers affords a proud example of the spirit of freemen. The company is composed of stout active men, well armed with rifles &c. and should they be brought into action, we have no doubt that, under the command of their brave and experienced officers, they will acquit themselves with honor, and render eminent service to their country.

Published in the National Intelligencer - June 6, 1812


From the House of Representatives

House of Representatives
Monday, May 25, 1812

  Mr. Milnor presented a petition from a number of inhabitants of the county of Philadelphia, remonstrating against a declaration of war against Great Britain at this time, for reasons of a religious character. Ordered to lie on the table.
  The Speaker laid before the House a letter from Wm. Jones, esq. of Philadelphia, enclosing the proceedings of a public meeting of the republican citizens of the First Congressional District of Pennsylvania. The proceeding were read.
   Mr. Seybert observed that it had heretofore been his duty to present to the House several petitions from a part of his constituents which were not accordant with his opinions; of course it was gratifying to him to find his opinions now supported by the voice of so respectable an assemblage. He could on this occasion do no more than he had done in relation to those memorials to which he alluded. He therefore moved that the papers lie on the table.
   It was so ordered.
   Mr. Cheves, from the committee of Ways and Means, reported a bid to extend the time for exporting with privilege of drawback, goods, wares & merchandize entitled thereto by law, which was twice read and ordered to be engrossed for a third reading.
   On motion of Mr. Lewis, the House resolved itself into a committee of the whole, on the bill to amend the laws within the district of Columbia; and the bill was gone through and reported to the House.

Published in the Raleigh Register & North Carolina Gazette - June 5, 1812


An Address to the People of the United States.

From the New-York Herald.
An Address to the People of the United States.

Before you plunge into war with Great Britain, you should calmly and carefully examine the motives by which you are led to that measure, and the consequences which must by the inevitable result of war: with equal candour and solicitude should you view the grounds taken, and the measures pursued by the men, who have governed your counsels for the last few years.
The detail necessary to a development of these subjects would be voluminous: I shall ask your attention to a few leading considerations.
Let us consider the motives which induce our government to wish a war with England.  These motives must be looked for in one or more of the four following principles, viz. – Redress: Conquest: Revenge: or Fear: Then let me ask – 1. Shall we make war on England to obtain redress of wrongs and injuries?  If so, why not make war on France?  The aggressions of France have not been less than those of England: nay, they have been far greater.  In the pride of prosperity and of power, her tone has been incomparably more imperious; her attitude more insolent; her demands more haughty.  This has fully appeared in the face of day, in spite of the studied and death-like silence of all the democratic papers; - tho’ every aggression of England has been trumpeted, emblazoned, and aggravated; and every aggression of France, hushed, varnished, and extenuated.  Citizens, you have been duped – you are not suffered to know the extent of this partial, dastardly policy.  Let the President and his ministers publish the official documents of French insolence, now locked up in the darkness, and you would soon change your note.  These documents they have not published and dare not publish.
France under a mock repeal of her decrees has found means to compass her violent extortions upon our trade; has demonstrated her unrivalled skill in the arts of rapacity and injustice, while with intolerable effrontery she asks, - nay, demands, with threats, our alliance, and looks with sovereign contempt upon our obsequiousness and submission.  Whilst millions of our property is silently surrendered to them without even a French promise of restitution, it is not to be doubted that their tyrant has menaced us with war unless we make war on England, - With what temper is this received, in our country?  By our government it is winked at; indeed, its worst features are concealed.  The minions of the ruling party are secretly taught to eulogize the conduct of France; nor is there a democratic press in America which has not insidiously labored to raise in the people of this country veneration and love for the most horribal and detestable tyrant that ever was sent upon earth to scourge the nations.  – Nothing is heard but alliance with France and war with England.
But admitting that France never injured us; before we put the hope of redress at the hazard of a doubtful and dangerous war with England, we ought, at least to consider that the injuries we have received from England have resulted in part from necessity, and perhaps in part from the ground we took as neutrals.  England pressed by all the powers of Europe was perfectly sensible that her existence depended on her ascendancy on the sea.  She knew, from the moment of the change of our administration, and the elevation of what has been commonly thought falsely, styled the republican party, that we leaned to the cause of France.  I say she knew it.  And, let office hunters of the lower grade clamor; let men in power resort to the usual methods of differentiating falsehood and darkness, I take it upon me to say that every well-informed man in this country knows perfectly well that the leaders of the ruling faction were friendly to France and hostile to England, prior to any consideration of aggression on either part: - it is equally well known that they dread nothing so much as an amicable accommodation of all differences with England.  – They dread it as much as they dread the loss of their seats in power and office.  A quarrel with England is the tenure on which they hold their seats, as the prevalence of French policy and principles was the true cause of their elevation.
To France we are playing the humble sycophant, cringing, bowing and adoring.  She stands with her gigantic bloodstained form erect, and views our crawling up to touch the top of her scepter with insufferable pride and disdain; and vindicates her seizures and detentions with less compass of argument and viler manners than the lion used when making a division with the ass.  But in our approaches to England boldness and asperity threaten more than is expressed.  The repulse of propositions by a gallic circumlocution of squinteyed insinuations and deductions shows everything but a desire for harmony.  The rejection of treaties made – the sudden disruption of negotiations begun, declare a foe behind the curtain.  The dancing of numerous automatons, and their all worshipping towards the east, declares their homage to the man of sin.
The democratic presses throughout the continent have groaned to be delivered of their enormous and unutterable burthen of malice against England.  They have issued a torrent of lies and slander sufficient to darken the sun and the air.  – The trumpet of war blown at Washington, has resounded thro’ the continent.  Those who directed the councils of Great Britain know perfectly well that the embargo and anti-commercial system was directed entirely against them.  They have reason to believe that the United States adopted those measures in compliance with the will of the French emperor.  His mock blockade of Great Britain, when he had not a ship on the sea, was but another way of forbidding us to trade with England, and our embargo was a true final act of obedience to him who has boasted that he holds the destinies of America.
The course we have pursued with respect to England has been the true cause of her hostile and unfriendly acts towards us.  – The fury and blindness of party rage will not admit it; but the impartial pen of the future historian and politician will say that we have wantonly and willfully ruined our own commerce, encountered incalculable losses and privations, destroyed a great and growing revenue, with no other apparent motive than to gratify the tyrant of Europe and annoy his enemies.  I appeal to the consciences of the promoters of this scheme of policy, whether it has produced the effects on England which they expected & desired, that is in relation to her dispositions towards us?  Whether is it is right to provoke injuries  and then seek redress thro’ blood and slaughter, the arbiter of the universe will determine.
But admitting, for a moment, that England’s aggressions are unprovoked, unmerited, and without palliation: had we better seek redress by war?  The enormous expense of a war should be considered.  Will a war increase our wealth, our comfort?  I have been astonished to perceive the stupidity of party rage.  The war-men seem, I perceive, to think of nothing but conquering Canada.  They don’t think of the shores and sea-ports between Nova Scotia and Florida.  A readiness to repel invasion on so extensive a shore will require more money than can be raised by any common methods.  Is it best for us to change our habits as a nation, to enrole all our able bodied men as soldiers, and pour all our wealth into the war-chest?  Shall we become Romans, and, in future, have a military government?  Will the youth of America forsake the endearments of domestic life, abandon all the pursuits of wealth, literature or enterprise, and rush to the field of battle, where, if they do not fall, they are to drag out a wretched existence under the capricious tyranny of some restless harey, some brat of fortune; some Wilkinson whom malignant stars threw in the way when an officer was wanted.
In a war with England we shall need numerous armies and ample treasures for their support.  The war-hounds that are howling for war thro’ the continent are not to be the men who are to force entrenchments, scale ramparts against the bayonet and the cannon’s mouth; to perish in sickly camps, or in long marches, through sultry heats or wastes of snow.  These gowned warriors, who are so loudly seconded by a set of fiery spirits in the great towns, & by a set of office hunters in the country, expect that their influence with the great body of the people, the honest yeomanry of our country, is such that every farmer, every mechanic, every laborer will fend off his sons, nay will even shoulder his firelock himself and march to the field of blood. – While these brave men who are ‘designing or exhorting glorious war,’ lodged safe at Monticello or some other secure retreat, will direct and look on, & will receive such pay for their services as they shall see fit to ask; and such as will answer their purposes.
Citizens, if pecuniary redress is your object in going to war with England, the measure is perfect madness.  You will lose millions where you will gain a cent.  The expense will be enormous.  It will ruin our country.  Direct taxes must be resorted to.  The people will have nothing to pay – We once had a revenue; - that has been destroyed in the destruction of our commerce.  For several years past you have been deceived and abused by the false pretences of a full treasury.  The fantom of hope will soon vanish.  You have lately seen fifteen millions of dollars wasted in the purchase of a province we did not want, and never shall possess.  And will you spend hundreds of millions in conquering a province which were it made a present to us would not be worth accepting?  Our territories are already too large.  The desire to annex Canada to the United States is as base an ambition as ever burned in the bosom of Alexander.  What benefit will it ever be to the great body of the people, after their wealth is exhausted and their best blood is shed in its reduction? – ‘We wish to clear our continent of foreign powers.’  So did the madmen of Macedon wish to clear the world of his enemies: and such as would not bow to his sceptre.  So does Bonaparte wish to clear Europe of all his enemies; yea and Asia too.  Canada, if annexed to the United States, will furnish offices to a set of hungry villains, grown quite too numerous for our present wide limits; and that is all the benefit we ever shall derive from it.
These remarks will have little weight with men whose interest leads them to advocate war.  Thousands of lives, millions of money, the flames of cities, the tears of widows and orphans with them are light expedients when they lead to wealth and power.  But to the people who must fight, if fighting must be done, - who must pay if money be wanted – who must march when the trumpet sounds, and who must die when the ‘battle bleeds;’ – To the people I appeal.  To them the warning voice is lifted – From a war they are to expect nothing but expences disproportionate to their means, and sufferings lasting as life.
In our extensive shores and numerous seaports we know not where the enemy will strike; or more properly speaking, we know they will strike where a station is defenceless.  Their fleets will hover on our coasts, and can trace our line from Maine to New Orleans in a few weeks.  Gunboats cannot repel them, nor is there a foot on all our shores in which confidence can be placed.  The ruin of our seaports and loss of all vessels will form an item in the list of expenses.  Fortifications and garrisons numerous and strong must be added.  As to the main points of attack or defence, I shall only say that an efficient force will be necessary.  A handful of men cannot run up and take Canada, in a few weeks, for mere diversion.  The conflict will be long and severe: resistance formidable, and the final result doubtful.  A nation that can debar the conqueror of Europe from the sea, and resist his armies in Spain, will not surrender their provinces without a struggle.  Those who advocate a British war, must be perfectly aware that the whole revenue arising from all British America for the ensuing century, would not defray the expenses of that war.
Far other motives than those of pecuniary redress are avowed, and holden forth as an incentive to war with England.  ‘Conquer their provinces; drive them from our continent: honor is concerned.’  Such language generally prevails among those who wish for war.  And, indeed, if the noble exploit could be performed by those very persons who so nobly and bravely propose it, or the consequences of failure light only on them, they should have my hearty concurrence to fall to, as soon as they pleased.  Though even then, perhaps I might advise them to let alone contention before it is meddled with. – But when I perceive that they hope to be well paid for involving their country in the flames of war; - that from some commanding eminence they expect, with sublime pleasure, to contemplate distant conflagrations and fields of blood: - when it is clearly seen that their policy, for several years past, has been leading to this result; that now, their power, consequence and salaries depend upon it; that if the inutility, impolicy, injustice and danger of war, which they have so earnestly fought, once come before the public mind, they will sink not merely into silent obscurity but into shame and everlasting contempt, I am at a loss into what nations or ages to look for demagogues or tyrants to compare them with.  Their anxiety is well grounded.  They certainly have a fellow feeling with Julius Caesar in his meditations when he stood on the banks of the Rubicon; ‘What shall I do?  If I plunge in and go forward I involve my country in war, desolation and ruin; - If not, I am undone.’  So in he plunged.
Can we find in the hope and prospect of conquest sufficient reasons and motives for a war with England?  I shall say nothing of the moral equity, of the justice of the enterprise: Equity and justice seldom have much weight in regulating the intercourse of nations.  I shall examine it merely as a question of interest; allowing for the present that England’s aggressions have been such as by the law of nations, would warrant, from us, a declaration of war.

Published in The Supporter - May 23, 1812


Biography of Major General Henry Dearborn

From the Boston Chronicle.
Major General Henry Dearborn, Commander in Chief of the Northern Army.

Courage and alacrity in armies are principally inspired by confidence placed in the commanders.  However dangerous the position of a corps may be in the field of battle, if it is convinced the dangers encountered are for the general good of the army they will be endured not only with firmness but cheerfulness.  This truth obtains with regard to the plans, arrangements and operations of an army.  The duty of a soldier is peremptory; he is not permitted to enquire into its expediency, or to doubt its propriety: in order, therefore, that he perform it with alacrity, it is necessary that he have unlimited confidence in the source from which it flows.
To doubt in the hour of danger, is to be destroyed.  All consummate commanders have made it a principle object to gain the confidence of their troops, and to restore it whenever startled by accident or misfortune, by masterly strokes of address and policy.  When Caesar, with a view to surprise, advanced rapidly on Arievistus, the German Chief, his soldiers, from accounts of the strength and ferocity of the Germans, became alarmed, and under various pretences muttered their resolution not to obey, if ordered on such an unprepared-for service.  Caesar assembled them, and informed them he had understood that some of them had disguised their fears under the difficulties of the ways and the want of provisions.  “I am not now to be told (says he) what is due to my trust, or that an army must be subsisted.  At precisely two in the morning, I shall decamp; if followed with the tenth legion alone.”  His troops, humiliated and impatient to retrieve their reputation, advanced with confidence to victory.
The battles of Trenton and Princeton were not very important in their impression on the enemy, but were of essential consequence, as they served to illustrate the fortitude and intrepidity, and developed the resources of the American Commander.
At a crisis like the present, when the determined and persevering hostility of a foreign power compels us once more to resort to arms in defence of life, liberty and property, it is with sentiments of the highest satisfaction, we have observed so judicious and brilliant a selection of officers in the important commands of the army; and none where confidence can be placed with more assurance than in the Commander in Chief.  The subjoined sketch of the revolutionary services, rendered by Gen. Dearborn is imperfectly collected from his brothers in arms.
When the British sent a detachment to destroy the military stores in the vicinity of Lexington, Mr. Dearborn, then a young gentleman in the study of medicine, resided at Nottingham, in New-Hampshire.  Animated by the patriotic resistance of the Americans, immediately on being informed of the battle by express, he assembled the inhabitants, and observed that the time had now arrived, when the rights of the American people must be vindicated by arms, or an odious despotism would forever be riveted upon them.  The militia had already gathered, and impressed with these sentiments, a company of sixty-five men, armed, and accoutered, paraded at one o-clock of the next day after the Lexington battle.  Dearborn advanced with them with such rapidity, that they reached Cambridge Common, a distance of fifty miles, in twenty hours.  After remaining at Cambridge several days, there being no immediate occasion for their services, they returned.  Dearborn was soon after commissioned a Captain in one of the New-Hampshire regiments under the command of Col. Stark, and such was his popularity, and the confidence of the people in his bravery and conduct, that in ten days from the time he received his commission, he enlisted a full company and marched again to Cambridge.  On the morning of the glorious seventeenth of June, information was received at Mystic, [now Medford] where Dearborn was stationed, that the British were preparing to come out from Boston, and storm the works which had been thrown up on Breed’s Hill the night before, by the Americans.  The regiment to which he was attached was immediately paraded, and marched to Charlestown neck.  Dearborn’s company composed the flank guard to the regiment.  They crossed the neck under a galling fire from the British men of war and floating batteries, and after sustaining some loss, arrived at the heights.  The action soon commenced, and the Americans stood their ground, until their ammunition was expended, and they could no longer beat off the British bayonets, with the butt ends of their muskets.  Dearborn carried a fusee into the battle of Bunker Hill, and fired regularly with his men.  The next arduous service in which he was engaged was the expedition to Canada, through the wilds of Kennebec, under the command of General Arnold.  He was not ordered on this dangerous and difficult service, but persuaded a Captain, who was drafted to exchange places with him.  Thirty-two days were employed in traversing the hideous wilderness between the settlements on the Kennebec and the Chaudiere, in which every hardship and fatigue of which human nature is capable, was endured indiscriminately by the officers and troops.  On the highlands between the Kennebec and St. Lawrence, the remnant of provisions was divided among the companies, who were directed to make the best of their way in separate divisions to the settlements on the Chaudiere.  The last fragment of food in Dearborn’s company was shortly consumed, and he reduced to the extremity of dividing a large dog which accompanied him, with his comrades.  When they reached the Chaudiere, from colds, extreme hardship and want of sustenance, his strength failed him, and he was unable to walk out a short distance without wading into the river to refrigerate and stimulate his limbs.  With difficulty he reached a poor hut on the Chaudiere, when he told his men he could accompany them no farther, animated them forward to a glorious discharge of their duty, and would suffer no one to remain to attend him in his illness.  His company left him with tears in their eyes, expecting to see him no more – Dearborn was here seized with a violent fever, during which his life was in danger for ten days, without physician or medicine, and with scarcely the necessaries of common life.  His fine constitution at last surmounted the disease, and as soon as he was able to mount a horse, he proceeded to Point Levi, crossed over to Wolf’s cove, and made his unexpected appearance at the head of his company a few days before the assault on Quebec.  At 4 o-clock in the morning, on the 31st of December, in a severe snow-storm, and in a climate that vies with Norway in tempests and intense cold, the attack was commenced.  Dearborn was attached to the corps under General Arnold, who was wounded early in the action, and carried from the field.  Morgan succeeded to the command, and “with a voice louder than the tempest,” animated to troops as they stormed the first barrier and entered the town.  Montgomery had already bled on immortal ground, and his division being repulsed, the corps under Morgan was exposed to a sanguinary but unavailing contest.  From the windows of the store houses, each a castle, and from the tops of the parapets, a destructive fire was poured upon the assailants.  In vain was the second barrier gained by scaling ladders; double ranks of soldiers presented a forest of bayonets below, and threatened inevitable destruction to any one who should leap from the walls.  Dearborn maintained for a long time this desperate warfare, until at last he and the remnant of his company were overpowered by a sortie of two hundred men in front and rear in a short street, and compelled him to surrender.  The whole corps originally led on by Arnold were killed or made prisoners of war.  Dearborn was now put into rigid confinement, with a number of other officers who were not allowed to converse with each other, unless in the presence of the officer of the guard.  While in prison he was urgently solicited by the English officers to join the British; was promised a Colonel’s commission if he would accept, and was assured if he refused, that he would be sent out to England in the Spring and inevitably hanged as a rebel.  The only reply he made to their solicitations or menaces was, that he had taken up arms in defence of the liberties and rights of his country; that he never would disgrace himself or dishonor his profession by receiving any appointment under G. Britain, but was ready to meet death in any shape rather than relinquish the glorious cause he had espoused.
In May, 1776, Col. Meigs and himself were permitted to return on their parole.  They were sent round to Halifax in a ship of war, and treated with the usual contumely and hauteur of English officers, who would not deign to speak to Americans, nor even allow them to walk the same side of the quarter-deck with themselves.  They were put ashore in Penobscot bay, and returned by land.  In the March following, Dearborn was exchanged, and appointed to the 3d New Hampshire regiment, commanded by Colonel Scammell.  In May he arrived at Ticonderoga, and was constantly in the rear guard, skirmishing with the British and Indians, in the retreat of St. Clair, when pressed on by Burgoyne’s army.  When the advance of Burgoyne was checked, and he encamped on the heights of Saratoga, Dearborn was appointed Lieut. Col. Commandant of a partisan corps of three hundred men, stationed in front, to act as a corps of observation in concert with Morgan’s riflemen.  In the famous engagement on the 19th of September, Col. Morgan himself commenced the encounter by driving in the out-posts and picket guards of the right wing of the British army, which was commanded by Gen. Burgoyne in person.  In the hard-fought battle of the 7th October, he was in the division of Gen. Arnold, who commenced a furious and persevering attack on the right wing of the British forces.  Whilst Arnold pressed hard on the enemy, Dearborn was ordered to pass the right, and take possession of six or eight heavy cannon, which played over the British into the American lines.  In executing this order, he was charged by a corps of infantry, which he repulsed with fixed bayonets, gained the eminence, took the cannon and the corps of artillery attached to them, made a rapid movement into the rear of the British lines, and gave a fill fire before his approach was discovered.  The British were soon after forced into a precipitate retreat, and Dearborn assisted in storming their works through their whole extent, under a tremendous fire of grape and musketry.  Arnold was wounded in the same leg which suffered when Dearborn followed him at the assault on Quebec, and was repulsed from the works after having gained a temporary possession of them; but Lieut. Col. Brooks having gained the left of the encampment, was enabled to maintain his ground.  During the long contested battle, which decided the fate of Burgoyne’s army, Dearborn was unable to rest, or take any refreshment from daylight until late at night.  The succeeding winter he passed in camp at Valley Forge, with the main body of the American army, commanded by Gen. Washington in person.
At the battle of Monmouth, the spirited conduct of Col. Dearborn, and a corps under his command, attracted particularly the attention of the Commander in Chief.  After Lee had made a precipitate and unexpected retreat, Washington among other measured which he took to check the advance of the British, ordered Dearborn with three hundred and fifty men to attack a body of troops which were passing thro’ an orchard on the right wing of the enemy.  The Americans advanced under a heavy fire with a rapid step and shouldered arms.  The enemy filed off and formed on the edge of a morass: The Americans wheeled to the right, received their second fire with shouldered arms – marched up until within eight rods, dressed, gave a full fire and charged bayonet.  The British having sustained considerable loss, fled with precipitation across the morass, where they were protected by the main body of the army.  “What troops are those,” enquired Washington, with evident pleasure at their gallant conduct: – “Full-blooded Yankees from New Hampshire, Sir,” replied Dearborn.  He accompanied General Sullivan in his expedition against the Indians, and in the battle was attached to Gen. Poor’s brigade.  When the disaffection and treason of Arnold transpired, he was stationed at West Point, and was officer of the day at the execution of Major Andre […] 1781, he was appointed Dep. Quarter Master General with the rank of Colonel, and served in that capacity at the siege of Yorktown.  In short, there was scarcely a battle between Yorktown and Quebec during the long protracted war, in which Col. Dearborn did not take a brave, active and conspicuous part.  Soon after the peace he moved into the District of Maine, where he was engaged for several years in agricultural pursuits.  He was appointed Major General of the militia, and elected to represent the district of Kennebec in the Congress of the U. States.  No man was ever more popular in the district in which he resided, or will be longer remembered by its inhabitants, than General Dearborn.  On the accession of Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency, he was appointed Secretary of War.  During a long and arduous discharge of the important duties of this office his political enemies have given him credit for the economy, dispatch and punctuality, which he introduced into the Department.  Even Randolph who wanders from his element when he wanders from satire and sarcasm, and is supposed to feel remorse of conscience, whenever betrayed into reluctant eulogy, rendered the meed of merit to the Secretary of War.  After commenting in his usual style on the estimates of Mr. Secretary Smith, he said with respect to those of the Secretary of War, he was already prepared to act; he had never known that gentleman to make an unnecessary or improper call, and was therefore ready to vote the appropriation without any further investigation.  In the discharge of the duties of the war department, Gen. Dearborn has had an opportunity to familiarize himself with the improvements in modern tactics, and the economy of war, and to keep alive and add to his former stores of military knowledge.  When we consider the strength of his constitution, the decision and promptitude of his mind, his great military acquisitions, his tried patriotism and long services so honorably rendered; we are induced without hesitation to say, that in no person could be confided with more hope and assurance, the destinies of the Northern Army.
 Published in the Raleigh Register and North Carolina Gazette - May 22, 1812

Recruitment in North Carolina

   The Recruiting Service in this part of the United States, including South-Carolina and Georgia, has commenced, under the direction of Colonel JAMES WELLBORN, who left this place for Columbia some days ago, and Lieutenant Colonels M'Neill and White and Major Taylor (all of whom had recently met here) have each departed for their respective districts to superintend and forward the Recruiting Service; so that, we trust, the business will progress with that spirit and energy which the times appear to demand.

Published in the Raleigh Register & North Carolina Gazette - May 22, 1812


"...be particularly careful not to involve the U.S. by unauthorized acts of violence or hostility..."

From the Kentucky Argus

May 21, 1812

   VOLUNTEERS are permitted by me to go from this state to the aid of the governors of either Indiana, Illinois, or Upper Louisiana Territories; as they seem to be, from the best information, exposed to the hostile depredations and incursions of the Indians. It is, however, to be understood, that no orders can be given to them by me. But it is recommended that any volunteer corps going into any of said territories should immediately report themselves and their object to the Governor of the same, and obey his orders. And that in particular, they should refrain from any hostile operation, without the order of the Governor of such territory in which they may be - and be particularly careful not to involve the U.S. by unauthorized acts of violence or hostility, with any friendly Indian tribes, or detached or straggling parties of the same.


Published in the National Intelligencer - June 9, 1812 

Volunteers from Georgetown

May 21, 1812

   We understand that Major T. Herndon, will this day leave this county with a company of about 100 volunteers, who are to be joined by about 50 from Franklin county - the whole company to march to the Indiana Territory, for the purpose of relieving the frontier inhabitants, who are at this time in imminent danger, of being murdered by the savages.

Published in the National Intellgiencer - June 6, 1812

News from Dayton, Ohio

Dayton, Oh.
May 21, 1812

   Gov. Meigs returned to this place on Friday last.
   Captain Mansfield's company of light infantry, arrived yesterday morning.
   The troops at this place, amounting to about fifteen hundred, have been divided into three hundred regiments, under the command of Cols. M'Arthur, Findlay and Cass.
   Capt. Wm. Van Cleve's rifle company, of this county, have volunteered their services to the Governor, for the protection of the frontier. They will march to Greenville in a few days.
   We understand that Friday last, five or six men who were covering corn in a field near Greenville, were fired upon by five Indians; one of the men was wounded. They instantly pursued the savages, killed one and wounded another.

Published in the National Intelligencer - June 6, 1812


"You have the entire confidence of the republicans in this quarter." Elbridge Gerry to James Madison, May 20, 1812

private                                                                                                                Cambridge 20th May 1812

Dear Sir,
     In a letter which I addressed to You yesterday, I omitted to mention, that you have the entire confidence of the republicans in this quarter. They view with deep regret, every attempt of a few of the republican party to supplant you; with indignation, the proffered support of the federalists to your competitor; & with grief, the division, small as it is, which has been the result: but you may be assured of every republican vote in this election. I also might have stated, that in regard to our election, notwithstanding the untoward events mentioned in my last; the unfortunate destruction of our property by the french ships of war; & the neglect of the patriotic Newspapers in this Commonwealth, on which subject I frequently cautioned our friends, there will not, as it is believed, be above 500 majority, or 1000 plurality of Votes, for the federal Gubernatorial Candidate. And according to reports several thousand of the federal votes were undoubtedly attained by bringing for a short period from the neighboring States, as labourers men to vote, & dismissing this immediately after they had voted; and & To this fraud, were added those, of refusing the votes of qualified republican voters; of admitting illegal federal voters; of permitting these to vote repeatedly in the same town, & in some instances, in two or more towns; & of overcounting the votes. These are alarming circumstances, & destructive of elective rights.
     Very respectfully & sincerely your friend
                                                            E. Gerry

President Madison.